late 18th and 19th centuries English dioceses were large and bishops few. Most, aristocratic high churchmen, many from academia, were rarely seen in their dioceses and had little connection to the problems of industrial society. Only when Palmerston became Prime Minister in 1855 was there observable widespread reform. When he died more than half the bishops were his appointees. Most had achieved academic distinction but they also came to office with a wealth of parochial experience. This book examines the far-reaching reforms brought about in the English episcopate by these 'Good and Proper Men'./div  (less)

Life of John Bright *, * England under the Stuarts WITH MAPS LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO 55 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON BOMBAY, CALCUTTA, AND MADRAS 1922 TO ALBERT MANSBRIDGE PREFACE THE object of this book is to enable the student or general reader to obtain, in the compass of one volume, a* picture of change and development during the hundred and twenty years when things certainly, and probably men and women with them, were undergoing a more rapid change of character than in any previous epoch of our annals. I have tried to give the sense of continuous growth ? to show how economic led to social, and social to political change, how the political events reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated process. For such a purpose, it would be a mistake to confuse the narrative with too much detail, but I have put into the story the main events which directed the course of the current, or were regarded as specially symbolic of each passing age. I cannot hold the epicurean doctrine, sometimes favoured now adays, that because history increasingly deals with generalisa tion it is safe for the student to neglect dates, which are the bones of historical anatomy. Still less is it safe, in pursuit of generalised truth, to overlook the personality and influence of great men, who are often in large measure the cause of some c tendency which only they rendered inevitable. Politicalwriters, social philosophers and founders of move ments must take their place beside warriors and statesmen in any account of social and political changes in modern times, But religion, literature and science are only mentioned here in connection with social or political developments o@GxQë…¸ÿ¾Úx  (less)

and its future citizens. But whether we argue over condom distribution to teenagers or the use of an anti-abortion curriculum in high schools, we rarely question the basic premise -- that adolescents need to be educated about sex. How did we come to expect the public schools to manage our children's sexuality? More important, what is it about the adolescent that arouses so much anxiety among adults?PTeaching Sex travels back over the past century to trace the emergence of the sexual adolescent and the evolution of the schools' efforts to teach sex to this captive pupil. Jeffrey Moran takes us on a fascinating ride through America's sexual mores: from a time when young men were warned about the crippling effects of masturbation, to the belief that schools could and should train adolescents in proper courtship and parenting techniques, to the reemergence of sexual abstention brought by the AIDS crisis. We see how the political and moral anxieties of each era found their way into sex education curricula, reflecting the priorities of the elders more than the concerns of the young.PMoran illuminates the aspirations and limits of sex education and the ability of public authority to shape private behavior. More than a critique of public health policy, Teaching Sex is a broad cultural inquiry into America's understanding of adolescence, sexual morality, and social reform.  (less)

investigates their motives, methods and range of activities in an area previously dominated by men. Their increased influence, Prochaska contends, gave women the administrative experience needed to enter the business and professional world, and encouraged them to extend their activities to campaigns for such legal and moral reforms as women's suffrage.br  (less)

Sorts and Conditions of Men/emhas strong roots in the politics of nineteenth-century reform. Determined to use her inherited wealth benevolently, Angela Messenger, a young idealistic Cambridge graduate, changes her name and takes lodgings in a Stepney boarding-house to observe and gain understanding of the East End. Young aristocrat Harry Le Breton also haunts the area, discovering his origins, and a new sense of kinship. Consistently setting itself against the cheerless evangelical strain in Victorian philanthropy,emAll Sorts and Conditions of Men/emoffers a blueprint for the cultural regeneration of Britain's proletariat as Angela and Harry plan a `Palace of Delight' to provide `a little more of the pleasures and graces of life' for the East Enders they have come to know. Indeed, five years after the book's publication, Besant's `generous and glowing imagination' was praised as the inspiration for the real-life `The People's Palace' on the Mile End Road, andemAll Sorts and Conditions of Men/embecame that rare thing, a work of fiction which made something happen.brbrMore than a good, rollicking read, the book had important consequences, inspiring the foundation of the Mile End People's Palace in 1887 for the 'intellectual improvement and rational amusement' of the lower classes. Worth reading, either as history or entertainment.--suphe Observer/supbrbrstrongHelen Small/strongis Tutorial Fellow in English and CUF Lecturer at Pembroke College, Oxford.br  (less)

Louis, mimicked newspaper reading as a courtesy when in the company of white men. But today, countless papers have closed or consolidated, and magazines built on mass readership seek to limit (or target) their subscriber base. Now Thomas C. Leonard captures this sea change in American history, exploring the reality and critical importance of print journalism in daily life.brInemNews for All/em, Leonard provides a fascinating account of the love-hate relationship we have always had with the news, from the early nineteenth century to the present. Reading the news was once a central social function, as citizens eagerly gathered in taverns, inns, post offices, and elsewhere to hear the latest reports. During an era when travel was slow and when geography, religion, class, race, and language divided the nation, all shared the universal habit of taking a favorite paper. Readers formed an alliance with publishers, declaring their politics by what they read in an age of highly partisan editorial policies: there were papers for the women's movement, antislavery, temperance reform, political parties large and small. Men and women courted by exchanging their beloved papers. Other hot-blooded readers protested items that offended them politically, even forming mobs after publication of unfriendly news. The press prospered with the democratization of news: they welcomed the pennies of succeeding waves of immigrants, and engaged in devastating circulation wars that slashed the price of the daily paper. Press barons learned to adjust to the desires of readers (the young William Randolph Hearst, for example, learned that what his subscribers wanted was more advertising). The end of the twentieth ?ç®záG®ÿ¾Úx  (less)

the different layers of society./PPThomas Hardy a Scottish shoemaker in 1792 founded the London Corresponding Society, the first political organisation for working men. In contrast, John Cartwright, a member of the landed gentry, drew support for his Society for Constitutional Information from the educated middle classes and the aristocracy./PPAlthough the two men met only once, their stories are interlinked through their support for a widening of voting rights, and the opposition they encountered./PPCampaigning as they were against the tumultuous political and social background of the American War of Independence and the French Revolution, their views were regarded as dangerously subversive. In 1794 charges of treason were brought against both societies and Hemmings documents the proceedings of these trials, including that of Hardy himself./PPDrawing on a wide range of contemporary sources, Hemmings brings to lightthe actions and attitudes of eighteenth century political reformers, giving us an absorbing narrativeof a radical period of British history./P/DIV  (less)

and social scientists like Franz Boas and Margaret Mead all assaulted fundamental inequalities inherited from the nineteenth century. A host of scientific breakthroughs eroded the foundations of the older world view, and cultural innovations like jazz challenged the nineteenth-century morality of most middle class Americans and also provoked spirited defenses of tradition by extremists like the Ku Klux Klan.brIn this wide-ranging and vividly written book, Stanley Coben introduces a new hypothesis about the reasons for the tumultuous cultural changes during the 1920s. He begins with the Victorian concept of character, the word which assured Americans of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that men were men, women were wives and mothers, and homes were sanctuaries. (Harriet Beecher Stowe and her sister Catherine wrote that She who is the mother and housekeeper in a large family is the sovereign of an empire.) Coben doesn't spare us the seamy underside of the Victorian ideal either, such as the racism revealed by the Oxford professor who declared to an approving American audience in 1882 that the best remedy for whatever is amiss in America would be if every Irishman should kill a negro and be hanged for it. Nor does he hesitate to describe the failures of those who rebelled against tradition, like the early supporters of the Equal Rights Amendment, or the farmer-labor-progressive presidential coalition of 1924.emRebellion Against Victorianism/emis particularly enlightening on cultural matters, showing how artforms of the '20s--like jazz or the novels of Ernest Hemingway and Sinclair Lewis--were part of the rebellion. The book includes a fascinating chapter-length discussion of the Ku Klux@$  (less)

in marriage, work, education, and politics. Many women were offered opportunities and responsibilities that had formerly been for men alone.brMore women sought work outside the home, but they had few choices, earned little money, and in almost every case the work they did--in the textile mills of New England, as teachers, in domestic service--was connected to women's traditional work in the home. African- American women had even less choice of jobs. Slaveholders cared little about preserving a women's sphere for field workers and women were sent to the fields just as men were. White southern plantation women and privileged women in the north claimed and exercised a power in the home that they were denied in public, as they managed and oversaw their domestics--women who worked in the home as slaves or for minimal wages. And privileged young women sought an education nearly equal to that of men as women's seminaries and colleges began to provide demanding and extensive courses of study.brWestward expansion offerred opportunities of a different sort. Women who joined the movement to seek new lands were faced with hardship, but also with adventure and the promise of new prospects. Native American and Hispanic women whose lands were being conquered by the onrushing Americans had little consolation. Their way of life took a dramatic turn for the worse as settlers took their land, and missionaries modified their culture.brThese years leading to the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848, the first for women's rights in the United States, were a time of awakening. Through education, religion, and social reform, women began to understand their ability to influence events. Margaret Fuller, Mother Seton, Lucy Stone, and Harriet Beecher Stowe are but a few?è  (less)

late-19th- and early-20th-century discourses--scientific (especially medical), social, religious, and literary...Highly recommended.brChoiceMeticulously researched and historically grounded...brFrench Foroum, Fall 2007The Hysteric's Revenge considers fin-de-siecle French women writers in the context of prevailing cultural anxieties about female intellect. During the years that overlap between the fin-de-siecle and the Belle Epoque, women began to write in record numbers, due to a number of factors including educational reforms and demographic shifts. This trend terrified many male literary critics, who described it as the crisis of women's writing in a series of efforts to circumscribe the perceived problem. Such critics frequently linked women's writing to sexual depravity. According to popular medical theories, the fragile confluence of the female mind and body might steer the woman writer towards illicit sexual behavior when she exercised her intellect.brpbrThis book argues, however, that the fear of sexual abandon--though real--veiled an even more insidious fear: that women might be capable of intellectual equality with men and thus pose a threat to the most basic structures of French patriarchal society. In demonstrating the pervasiveness of this anxiety through analysis of nineteenth-century medical texts, literary criticism, and fiction, The Hysteric's Revenge brings into relief a critical relationship between the female mind and body that is essential to understanding the discursive position of the turn-of-the-century woman writer.brpbr@`Þfffffÿ¾Úx  (less)

members of the nation's legislature was particularly important in this regard. In the first detailed analysis of its kind, Ian R. Christie examines how far the House of Commons reflected and was itself affected by such social mobility. Enquiry is directed at the growth in number of `non-}lite' members of parliament; men without land. This is a fascinating study which every historian of 18th-century Britain will want to read.brbrChristie has been involved with the work of the History of Parliament Trust for over forty years...Reading his accounts of non-elite M.P.s gives one a sense of the fabric of eighteenth-century British society in a way that few other sources match. His description of the subtle distinctions in the social and economic order is astute and masterful. Christie deserves great praise as a pioneer in the exploitation of the History of Parliament...--emThe Albion/embrThe first detailed study of politicians in the century before the Great Reform Act whose family backgrounds lay outside the traditional, landed, ruling elite.--emHISTORY/embr  (less)

since the early twentieth century. This volume returns Sesame and Lilies to easy availability and reunites the two halves of the work: Of Kings' Treasuries, in which Ruskin critiques Victorian manhood, and Of Queens' Gardens, in which he counsels women to take their places as the moral guides of men and urges the parents of girls to educate them to this end. PFeminist critics of the 1960s and 1970s regarded Of Queens' Gardens as an exemplary expression of repressive Victorian ideas about femininity, and they paired it with John Stuart Mill's more progressive Subjection of Women. This volume, by including the often ignored Of Kings' Treasuries, offers readers full access to Ruskin's complex and sometimes contradictory views on men and women. The accompanying essays place Sesame and Lilies within historical debates on men, women, culture, and the family. Elizabeth Helsinger examines the text as a meditation on the pleasures of reading, Seth Koven gives a wide-ranging account of how Victorians read Sesame and Lilies, and Jan Marsh situates the work within controversies over educational reform.  (less)

the main cause of the 'Peterloo Massacre' of 1819. Such scorn for the ruling classes and concern for the 'lower orders' was out of synch with prevailing attitudes among his peers, something which provides a motif for the life of Henry Brougham, a man who counted other leading Radicals such as William Hazlitt, Charles Lamb and Lord Byron among his many friends. After entering Parliament, following a brief but spectacular career as a lawyer, Brougham soon established himself as one of the leading Radicals in Parliament. Advocating social reform, he spoke out against many of the leading social evils of his time and advocated a state-funded education system years before anyone else. Appointed Lord Chancellor in 1830, he was instrumental in helping pass the Reform Act of 1832, the Anti-Slavery Act of 1833, and the Municipal Reform Act of 1835. This book chronicles the life of one of the great figures of nineteenth-century politics, from his early years, where he showed such precocious intelligence that he was accepted at Edinburgh University aged just fourteen years, through his years as a formidable lawyer, to his distinguished Parliamentary career. A fine example of political biography, it should grace the shelf of anyone interested in the great men of British politics.  (less)

the English and Africans who made up the bulk of the population, people from continental Europe had to become willing to join in the creation of the new republic. Tradition dictated that the independent male citizen was the most important actor in this drama, but women's contributions to the war effort and support of the political ideals of the era were essential to the survival of the new United States.brThe first obligation of a women--to God and to country--was to marry and bear children. The lives of the 18th-century white women were filled with the numerous demands of child care and housekeeping. African-American women faced the same demands, but found their ability to care for their families sharply limited by their lives as slaves, while Native American women often saw their families and tribes destroyed when whites seized their lands in the name of the federal government. But there were other forces at work during this turbulent period as the community of women addressed issues of educational reform, the abolition of slavery in the North and renewed embrace of it in the South, voting rights, religion, the rise of prominent women intellectuals, and the ever-changing relationships between women and men.brThe poet Phillis Wheatley, the writer and educator Susanna Rowson, and other women--both well known and unsung--fill the pages ofemThe Limits of Independence/em. The book looks at the traditional patterns of women's lives during the time of the American Revolution and charts the new directions to come as women help to carve a new nation dedicated to the proposition that allemmen/emare created equal.brbrIdeal for class discussions, this volume will be useful for reports and leisure reading. It may even have th?è  (less)